The Suppressed Martin Luther King Jr.
Junious Ricardo Stanton
The Suppressed Martin Luther King Jr.
As we celebrate the natal day
and life's work of Martin Luther King Jr, let us look at him for all he was not
as he is narrowly depicted and shown by the corporate mind control apparatus.
During this time we are usually bombarded with sound bytes from his 1963 March
on Washington
speech, but I have a dream part. Rarely if ever do they
share the beginning of the speech because it was more militant in tone than the
second half.
only part of the whole speech, the second half, the
Rarely if
ever does the corporate media chronicle his later work as a Peace activist when
he became one of the most prominent voices to end US imperialism, militarism and a
potent advocate for economic justice here at home. We are always shown him
pushing for racial reconciliation but rarely are we shown the Martin Luther King who demanded
economic justice for all people. Nor are we shown King planning for his Poor
People's Campaign and camp out in Washington
D.C.
King was
concerned about the whole person, the whole body politic and he spoke out
vociferously about ending the war in Southeast Asia and redirecting America 's
financial and economic resources towards the betterment of all her citizens. It
was at this point in his life and mission he was shunned, rejected and vilified
by the corporate media and US government. Once he uttered the words of his Why I Oppose the Vietnam War Martin
Luther King Jr became persona non grata to the US ruling oligarchy.
The first part of the March on Washington speech is very powerful it holds up a mirror
to America
to expose its hypocrisy and its chronic failure to live up to its professed
creed. It offers in the second half a exhortation of hope, a vision for a
better America
that still to this day has not materialized. Since we are not shown or provided an
opportunity to see and hear all that Martin Luther King Jr. said that fateful
day, in the spirit of shedding light on what
King said that day I am sharing it with you in this commentary.
" I am happy to join with you
today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom
in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in
whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation
Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to
millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering
injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their
captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One
hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the
manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years
later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast
ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still
languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his
own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a
sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects
of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration
of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every
American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men
as well as white men, would be guaranteed the 'unalienable Rights' of 'Life, Liberty and the pursuit
of Happiness.' It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this
promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of
honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people
a bad check, a check which has come back marked 'insufficient funds.'
But we
refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe
that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this
nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon
demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to
this hallowed spot to remind America
of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of
cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to
make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and
desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the
time to lift our nation from the quicksand's of racial injustice to the solid
rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's
children.
It would be
fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering
summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an
invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an
end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off
steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns
to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until
the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will
continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice
emerges.
But there
is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold
which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful
place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our
thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must
forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We
must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again
and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with
soul force.
The
marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us
to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced
by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied
up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is
inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot
walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march
ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of
civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied
as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police
brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the
fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the
hotels of the cities. We
cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller
ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are
stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: 'For
Whites Only.' We
cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi
cannot vote and a Negro in New York
believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we
will not be satisfied until 'justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness
like a mighty stream.'
I am not
unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.
Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come
from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the
storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have
been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that
unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama,
go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to
the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this
situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair,
I say to you today, my friends. And so even though we face the difficulties of
today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the
American dream..."
May the
spirit of justice exemplified by Martin Luther King Jr live on forever!
-30-
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